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41.
Petra Stykow 《后苏联事务》2019,35(2):122-139
The constitutions of Eurasia’s more authoritarian countries categorically differ from those of the region’s more democratic countries, in that they codify a doctrine of presidential supremacy as well as several constitutional tools allowing for its implementation. Therefore, the classic typology of forms of government is inadequate for understanding the architecture of power in these countries. Rather, their routine categorization as presidential or semi-presidential formats of executive–legislative relations causes flawed case selection in extant comparative research about the impact of forms of government, particularly president-parliamentarism, on regime performance and stability. This article shows that almost a third of all constitutions in the region reflect a regional variety of genuinely authoritarian presidentialism. It systematizes the properties of this constitutional pattern of “Eurasian-type presidentialism” or, for that matter, “superpresidentialism.” Methodologically, the article encourages contextual analyses to understand non-Western, non-liberal constitutions “from within.” 相似文献
42.
Petra Bárd 《European Law Journal》2021,27(1-3):185-210
The present article argues that the EU possesses an arsenal of tools to address dissuasively rule of law problems in the Member States. This shows the double nature of the EU's separation of powers problem. Whereas some states suffer from rule of law decline and a lack of limitation of governmental powers, there is a risk of the crumbling of separation of powers at the EU level, too, where institutions fail to adequately address rule of law violations. Against the EU institutions' lack of forceful action towards rule of law backsliding, domestic courts try to protect judicial independence increasingly via preliminary references. Also, they attempt preventing the proliferation of the consequences of rule of law decline via judicial cooperation in the mutual trust/mutual recognition domain. This article explores to what extent preliminary rulings can make up for the failure to use adequate EU tools of rule of law enforcement. 相似文献
43.
44.
Bardach Lisa Yanagida Takuya Gradinger Petra Strohmeier Dagmar 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(2):225-243
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - School-based aggression prevention programs may not be equally effective for all students and classes, depending on student and class characteristics. This study... 相似文献
45.
Policy Sciences - This article questions the use of morality frames and gender stereotypes in discoursing about abortion. The morality policy literature puts abortion forward as the paradigmatic... 相似文献
46.
du Vignaux Hubert; Gouzard Camille; Gehringer Axel; Byers David; Cuccia Stefano; Wagner Henri; Zijp Petra; Cuenca Jose Manuel; Azanza Yolanda; Bushner Daniel; Parry Jonathan 《Capital Markets Law Journal》2006,1(1):89-112
47.
Petra Ahrens 《West European politics》2019,42(1):45-66
Policy instruments research is an essential part of studying European Union governance. A growing interest in processes of (de-)legalisation and patterns of instrument choice requires a more process- and context-oriented analysis of the EU’s instrument selection. Using a political sociology approach, the article analyses patterns of instrument choice in soft law policy programmes, by examining the life cycle of EU gender equality policy programmes from 1982 to the present day. Gender equality policy programmes offer an in-depth understanding of how the Commission upgrades and downgrades policy instruments. The analysis indicates that patterns of policy instrument choice are not necessarily inflexible once a policy instrument is selected. Instead, patterns vary while the instrument is (de-)legalised. Investigating gender equality policy programmes provides explanations for the shifts in the use of legislative instruments and their limitations. 相似文献
48.
49.
This study aimed to investigate the effectiveness of a school-based universal preventive stress management training program
for early and middle adolescents in comparison with a no-treatment control group. The study examined the intervention effects
of age (early versus middle adolescents) and gender on perceived stress, interpersonal coping, and self-efficacy prior, immediately
after as well as 3 months after the intervention. Three hundred and twenty adolescents (ages 10–14 years) participated in
the study. Whereas both experimental conditions did not differ substantially in baseline scores, the experimental group scored
higher on perceived self-efficacy compared to the control group at the follow-up assessment. Additionally, the experimental
group showed less perceived stress and more adaptive coping at the post and follow-up assessment. Age-dependent intervention
effects suggested that early adolescents primarily benefited from the treatment. Although the effects must be replicated using
a randomized design, the current findings reveal that the program does strengthen important protective factors for the psychosocial
development of adolescents.
相似文献
Petra HampelEmail: |
50.
Petra Zaletel 《European Law Journal》2006,12(5):613-635
Abstract: Globalisation has increased the mobility of people while rapid development of the knowledge economy places human capital at the centre of economic progress. Both result in competition for highly skilled labour among states, particularly the more-developed states. The EU has a particular role in this global competition for the highly skilled. It is faced with the ageing of its population. Furthermore, the quest to revitalise the EU's economy by implementing the ambitious Lisbon Strategy requires an additional 700,000 research positions. Lastly, the EU is trying to design a common European policy for economic migration, starting with the Green Paper in 2005. This article aims to contribute to a common policy design in the area of highly skilled temporary migration. It compares the UK and German schemes for highly skilled immigrants (the only two in the EU) with the successful US scheme, still seen as the benchmark for the EU. The findings are twofold. First, there is a set of obligatory characteristics that should be introduced to the schemes to make them more attractive. Second, as the programmes are not the only factors that determine the attractiveness of a respective country, the article argues that an EU common policy for highly skilled migrants would make the EU area more attractive as a whole and therefore increase its competitiveness in the global economy. 相似文献